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 - Association Maonah

Wednesday, 03 November 2021
Special -
* Roadmap for peace building proposals in Yemen.

Preparation /
Diaspora Communities Abroad (SCP)
- Association Maonah for Human Rights and Immigration - Yemen and New York.

an introduction

Yemen today is the ugliest global humanitarian catastrophe, with chaos, political and military conflicts, and geographical and regional overlap. Additionally, the country's reintegration into its previous form of integration is less likely despite the efforts of the United Nations. This cannot now be achieved in Yemen, which requires not only looking at the mistakes of the past five years, but also looking at the remaining options for progress in a Yemen that maintains its unity in a new way.

And the belief of a number of personalities and organizations from the Yemeni community in the diaspora, which held several interactive dialogues in and within a number of countries, in the importance of the participation of non-governmental civil society organizations in contributing to creating new opportunities for building peace in Yemen, in addition to helping the international community and the United Nations open New horizons for practical political solutions to the long-running Yemeni conflict, which has become a global humanitarian disaster by all standards, especially after the conflict in Yemen has now entered its seventh year and there is no end in sight, like most of the seemingly unresolvable conflicts in the world, where Yemen ended up in the Security Council of the United Nations, and the last resort of the international community.

The United Nations, with limited tools at its disposal, has responded to Yemen in the same way it has responded to the world's most complex wars: a special envoy and sanctions. This is a carrot and stick approach to conflict resolution, in which the Special Envoy moves back and forth between the various parties, to persuade each side to come to the negotiating table, while keeping the other side of the equation present, and to threaten targeted sanctions imposed by the United Nations on five individuals. in Yemen for years.

The only problem with the UN's approach to sanctions imposed on some parties to the conflict in Yemen is that they have been hasty and futile. Yemen is currently witnessing the reign of its fourth Special Envoy in the past seven years, and Martin Griffiths does not appear to be achieving more than any of his predecessors. The division in the Security Council often between the United States and Russia, at times pitting traditional allies such as the United States and Britain against one another has led to a lack of new sanctions since 2015, and the sanctions imposed have set off a series of unintended actions. The consequences that made it difficult to end the war.

None of these steps are enough to bring peace back to Yemen, but if taken together, the long way to go is to end the war. These are small but doable steps. It is said, after all, diplomacy is the art of making the possible a reality.

The Security Council, divided as it is, needs to define its objectives in Yemen. Although there is no possibility of the 15 members of the Council agreeing on a roadmap for the future of Yemen after the war, they can agree on the necessity of stopping the war. Second, the Security Council should define a practical mechanism to achieve the goal of ending the war. The highly worded UN resolutions express concern, call for a cease-fire, bemoan the civilian casualties, have fallen on deaf ears for the past five years and will continue to do so for the next five unless something changes in the Security Council's approach to Yemen.

The Security Council also needs to acknowledge the reality on the ground. The Houthis, the General People's Congress in Sana'a and the Southern Transitional Council in Aden, like it or not, are part of Yemen and cannot simply be eliminated. At the same time, the Houthis came to power through a coup or rebellion and cannot be recognized in the absence of truly free and fair elections. The same is true of the situation in Aden for the Southern Transitional Council. In other words, the Saudi-led military coalition and Hadi's government, as well as the Houthis and their allies at home, as well as the Southern Transitional Council, will have to make mutual concessions, which neither side was willing to do during this period. war.

This is where the Security Council stands to bring about change amid the absence of a unified international leadership on Yemen, and in place of unilateral resolutions such as 2216 or 2451, which have attempted to document the almost illusory gains of the Stockholm Agreement, security. The parliament should reformulate a new bill that codifies several proposals for a comprehensive political solution.

A new roadmap for building peace in Yemen

The suggested map is as follows:

* Forming a new political legitimacy for the state in a consensual manner that represents all parties to the conflict and takes into account geography and control over reality, which leads to a new transitional period that establishes a federal civil state in Yemen with a new leadership. It consists of an Interim Presidential Council, during which a new consensual legitimacy is established based on the transfer of the current authority from the hands of Hadi and his deputy to the Interim President and the Transitional Presidency Council, and the formation of a transitional government representing all parties to the conflict.

* The return of the elected local authorities in the recent local elections and with the return of government officials to run and administer the affairs of the governorates, as well as in the government departments in which they were working before the Houthis entered Sanaa and took control of it. Southern transition in Aden (transitional period). After this date in accordance with the laws in force.

2. Lifting the UN sanctions against the five Yemenis mentioned in them.

The 2140 Sanctions Committee should work to remove all sanctions imposed on the five Yemenis currently listed. First of all, former President Ali Abdullah Saleh has died and need not be on the list, and his son Ahmed is under travel restrictions from the United Arab Emirates and did not pose a threat to peace, security and stability in Yemen.

For the Houthis, as mentioned above, sanctions in their current form do not affect Abdul-Malik al-Houthi or his main deputies, and should be removed as a reward for participating in the temporary arms control process.
If the Houthis stop complying, the Security Council will be in a position to reimpose sanctions. But this time, the Security Council should take a more in-depth approach, beginning with a focus on sanctions against the Houthis, who travel frequently to places like Lebanon, Oman, Iran, the European Union and the Arab Gulf states as a means. To press both groups. The Security Council will need to have some strategic patience. After years of limited impact, it will take some time before Abdul-Malik al-Houthi and his group realize that UN sanctions can be used effectively against them.

3. The exchange of opening all Yemeni ports and airports under the supervision of the United Nations (temporary) and handing them over to the local authorities and their former professional administrations.

In conjunction with the start of the transition period and arms control according to the plan, the Special Envoy should negotiate a swap between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition, so that the Houthis agree to an agreement. Complete withdrawal from Hodeidah and in return the coalition agrees to reopen Sanaa International Airport, as in the phased process of arms control, where each side will give up one thing but also get something else in return.

The Houthis would have to withdraw completely from Hodeidah and Marib, which they have been reluctant to do, even in the wake of the Stockholm Agreement, which essentially demanded the Houthis withdraw in order to avoid it. The exchange between the port and the airport would change the structure of the gains, which would give the Houthis local victories. The reopening of the ports of Sanaa, Aden and Yemen under the supervision of the United Nations would take a major step towards alleviating the catastrophic humanitarian crisis in Yemen, where aid and trade can be received directly. In addition to transporting patients and travelers who were unable to reach Yemen's airports during the previous period.

The Saudi-led military coalition could be persuaded to allow the reopening of Yemen's airports and ports as a way to restore its international reputation following several failed attacks. The withdrawal of the Houthis from Hodeidah would alleviate Saudi security concerns about Iran smuggling ballistic missiles to the Houthis in Yemen through those ports.

4. * Temporary control of heavy weapons.

In a war like the one in Yemen where no one trusts each other, unilateral disarmament will not be the beginning of a solution. The Houthis will not drop their missiles and heavy weapons out of fear that they will not be able to reach them again, but what could work is a gradual period of arms control. Within this framework, the Special Envoy will ensure commitment from both sides, with the Saudi-led military coalition agreeing to halt all air strikes for one month, as the southerners do, and the Houthis agreeing to halt all cross-border missile strikes. Siege of Taiz at the same time. Under the agreement, the Houthis will also have to put their missiles and heavy weapons under lock and key, and the UN monitors, who were originally part of the UN Mission to Support the Hudaydah Agreement, may be stationed near these arms depots to ensure their presence. No coalition air strikes. At the same time, the Houthis hold the key to accessing the arms depot, reassuring them that if they again feel threatened by coalition airstrikes, they can easily recover their weapons.

The idea is that each side not only gives something away, but also gets something in return. The Saudis are giving up their air strikes, which have limited utility after four years, gaining border security from ballistic missiles, and the Houthis giving up their ability to strike Saudi Arabia, which rarely results in casualties, and in return they gain a pause for Saudi Arabia. Airstrikes.

5- The countries of the Arab coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the international community bear the responsibility of financing a comprehensive plan for the reconstruction and destruction of Yemen, and supporting efforts for sustainable development and comprehensive national reconciliation.
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